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How invading Russian forces destroyed media in Ukraine’s occupied territories and what they built instead

March 30, 2025 | 0 Comments
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In the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries, Russ­ian forces selec­tive­ly switch on and off mobile com­mu­ni­ca­tions and the Inter­net, fear­ing that locals might relay infor­ma­tion to Ukrain­ian defence forces. Since Sep­tem­ber 2022, res­i­dents of these areas have found them­selves in an infor­ma­tion vac­u­um, effec­tive­ly iso­lat­ed from the rest of the world. In cer­tain loca­tions, access to the Inter­net is com­plete­ly unavail­able. The infor­ma­tion vac­u­um is exac­er­bat­ed by the clo­sure of cer­tain set­tle­ments. Some can only be entered with a spe­cial pass.

Dur­ing the first six months of the full-scale war, Russ­ian forces sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly erad­i­cat­ed all ele­ments asso­ci­at­ed with Ukrain­ian and West­ern media in the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries. More­over, they repur­posed seized trans­mit­ters to dis­sem­i­nate Russ­ian pro­pa­gan­da through TV and radio chan­nels, and ini­ti­at­ed the dis­tri­b­u­tion of pro­pa­gan­da leaflets glo­ri­fy­ing the ‘great Russ­ian strug­gle against Euro­pean fas­cism and Satanism’.

By 2023, the Rus­sians start­ed estab­lish­ing a local net­work of infor­ma­tion resources in these regions. This net­work now boasts an exten­sive array of Telegram , tele­vi­sion and  sta­tions, and  that per­pet­u­al­ly spread aggres­sive dis­in­for­ma­tion, prop­a­gate extreme hate speech, and incite calls to war. Addi­tion­al­ly, the occu­piers have grant­ed res­i­dents of the tem­porar­i­ly occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries free access to the ‘Russkiy Mir’ satel­lite TV chan­nel. All these efforts are financed by the Russ­ian fed­er­al bud­get.

How the Russian occupiers destroyed Ukrainian media in occupied regions

In the first days of the occu­pa­tion, armed mil­i­tary per­son­nel sim­ply showed up at local media offices in the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries to intim­i­date jour­nal­ists and force them to work for the Krem­lin. How­ev­er, almost all local Ukrain­ian media and jour­nal­ists refused to work for the ene­my. As a result, media out­lets were closed down after fac­ing enor­mous pres­sure, or Russ­ian occu­piers seized their edi­to­r­i­al offices and appro­pri­at­ed their prop­er­ty.

Puni­tive mea­sures against jour­nal­ists began in the first weeks of the occu­pa­tion. The Russ­ian invaders had pre-com­piled lists of the per­son­al data of civic activists and jour­nal­ists who worked in the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries and were pur­pose­ful­ly look­ing for them. Accord­ing to Reporters With­out Bor­ders, many Ukrain­ian and sev­er­al for­eign jour­nal­ists report­ed the per­se­cu­tion of jour­nal­ists and oth­er peo­ple at the begin­ning of the full-scale inva­sion and the occu­pa­tion of the Zapor­izhzhia region.

All jour­nal­ists who were unable to evac­u­ate faced sig­nif­i­cant risks. For instance, Oleg Baturin, a jour­nal­ist from Kher­son who report­ed on the occu­pa­tion of the Kher­son region at the start of the full-scale inva­sion, was abduct­ed, tor­tured, and detained by Russ­ian forces. Sim­i­lar acts of abduc­tion, beat­ings, and intim­i­da­tion were report­ed in the Zapor­izhzhia, Kharkiv, and Luhan­sk regions. The Insti­tute of Mass Infor­ma­tion has doc­u­ment­ed at least 40 such instances. Cur­rent­ly, over 20 jour­nal­ists remain in Russ­ian cap­tiv­i­ty. The sta­tus of Iry­na Levchenko, a jour­nal­ist from Zapor­izhzhia detained by the occu­piers in May 2023 in occu­pied Meli­topol, is still uncer­tain.

The occu­piers con­tin­ue to per­se­cute Ukraini­ans work­ing in the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries. For exam­ple, in August 2023, the Russ­ian occu­piers hacked the Telegram chan­nel of the Ukrain­ian media out­let RIA Meli­topol, which oper­at­ed in the tem­porar­i­ly occu­pied ter­ri­to­ry. At the same time, the occu­piers detained the channel’s admin­is­tra­tors. They are now being charged under sev­er­al arti­cles of the Russ­ian crim­i­nal code, includ­ing mak­ing pub­lic calls for ter­ror­ist attacks, high trea­son, and espi­onage, and face 12 to 20 years in prison. The pro­pa­gan­dists made a show out of this deten­tion by pub­lish­ing a video of it on Russ­ian state chan­nels two months after the event. The cur­rent where­abouts of these admin­is­tra­tors, who are Ukrain­ian jour­nal­ists, remain unknown.

This aggres­sive approach has led to the com­plete and tight­ly con­trolled Rus­si­fi­ca­tion of the media land­scape in the tem­porar­i­ly occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries over the two years of the full-scale inva­sion.

How the Russian occupiers built a propaganda network

Most Russ­ian media out­lets cur­rent­ly active in the tem­porar­i­ly occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries are affil­i­at­ed with Alek­san­dr Malkevich’s pro­pa­gan­da media hold­ing ‘ZaMe­dia’, estab­lished by the occu­pa­tion admin­is­tra­tion under the direct guid­ance of offi­cials from Moscow and St. Peters­burg. Ini­tial­ly, the occu­piers aimed to make Kharkiv the hub for their pro­pa­gan­da oper­a­tions, with plans to expand into Kher­son. How­ev­er, their fail­ure to secure these key cities in east­ern and south­ern Ukraine led them to estab­lish their base in Meli­topol, a city in the Zapor­izhzhia region under occu­pa­tion.

Alek­san­dr Malke­vich is a Russ­ian nation­al with a sig­nif­i­cant back­ground in craft­ing pro­pa­gan­da, dis­in­for­ma­tion, and influ­enc­ing elec­tions both with­in Rus­sia and abroad. His activ­i­ties have drawn inter­na­tion­al con­dem­na­tion, result­ing in sanc­tions by the US in 2018 and the EU in 2024. Inves­ti­ga­tions by Reporters With­out Bor­ders have linked Malke­vich to the late Yevge­ny Prigozhin, a key fig­ure asso­ci­at­ed with the Wag­n­er pri­vate mil­i­tary com­pa­ny. Despite Prigozhin’s pre­sumed death in a plane crash in August 2023, Malke­vich con­tin­ues to expand his influ­ence in the occu­pied Ukrain­ian ter­ri­to­ries, backed by sub­stan­tial finan­cial sup­port from Russ­ian author­i­ties to fur­ther devel­op net­works ded­i­cat­ed to dis­sem­i­nat­ing aggres­sive pro­pa­gan­da and dis­in­for­ma­tion.

At the start of the full-scale inva­sion, the first thing Russ­ian occu­piers did was to seize TV tow­ers in the occu­pied cities and block Ukrain­ian broad­cast­ing, includ­ing TV chan­nels and radio sta­tions. They replaced these out­lets with Russ­ian state TV chan­nels in the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries. Lat­er, they seized print­ing hous­es and began print­ing pro­pa­gan­da ‘news­pa­pers’.

The cor­ner­stone of Russ­ian pro­pa­gan­da in the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries is the glo­ri­fi­ca­tion of every­thing relat­ed to Rus­sia, cou­pled with defam­ing and spread­ing dis­in­for­ma­tion about Ukraine, the Euro­pean Union, and the Unit­ed States. This nar­ra­tive employs terms like the ‘Kyiv regime’, ‘Nazi’, years of ‘dev­as­ta­tion’, and ‘Euro­pean fas­cism’, among oth­ers.

Notably, Russ­ian pro­pa­gan­da care­ful­ly avoids any men­tion of Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, pre­fer­ring instead to speak of ‘lib­er­at­ed’’ ter­ri­to­ries and ‘inter­nal­ly dis­placed per­sons’. This approach effec­tive­ly crafts an alter­nate real­i­ty detached from the actu­al con­text, where the aggres­sor is recast as the vic­tim and defend­er, revers­ing right and wrong.

In 2023, the occu­py­ing forces launched a cam­paign to offer res­i­dents of Kher­son and oth­er occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries com­pli­men­ta­ry access to the ‘Russkiy Mir’ TV chan­nel, a plat­form steeped in aggres­sive pro­pa­gan­da. , ini­ti­at­ed in Decem­ber 2022, tar­gets the Russ­ian-occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries across four regions – Donet­sk, Luhan­sk, Zapor­izhzhia, and Kher­son – and extends its broad­cast­ing to occu­pied Crimea and Sev­astopol.

The ‘Russkiy Mir’ project aims to freely dis­sem­i­nate dis­in­for­ma­tion prop­a­gat­ed by Russ­ian state tele­vi­sion. It includes 20 manda­to­ry all-Russ­ian pub­lic tele­vi­sion chan­nels and dig­i­tal radio chan­nels, along­side region­al TV chan­nels from the so-called DPR/LPR, the occu­pied seg­ments of the Zapor­izhzhia and Kher­son regions, and Crimea and Sev­astopol. This large-scale pro­pa­gan­da project was launched by the ‘All-Russ­ian People’s Front’, a move­ment to pro­mote Rus­sia that was launched by cur­rent Russ­ian Pres­i­dent Vladimir Putin in 2011.

The Russ­ian invaders con­tin­ue to devel­op a net­work of Telegram chan­nels in all occu­pied cities and towns imme­di­ate­ly after the occu­pa­tion. IMI records the largest num­ber of dis­in­for­ma­tion and pro­pa­gan­da mes­sages in Telegram chan­nels, and they are the most aggres­sive. They tell local res­i­dents that Rus­sia will build direct gas pipelines to their vil­lages, and at the same time scare them with hor­ror sto­ries about Satanists, fas­cists, ‘Ukrain­ian rats’, bio­labs, and oth­er aggres­sive fakes that are meant to jus­ti­fy the Russ­ian occu­pa­tion.

The occu­piers also sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly dis­trib­ute news­pa­pers with huge cir­cu­la­tions across the tem­porar­i­ly occu­pied ter­ri­to­ry. Some­times they reach up to 750,000 copies. The most com­mon­ly dis­trib­uted out­let is Kom­so­mol­skaya Prav­da, fund­ed from the Russ­ian state bud­get. It is inter­est­ing that this pub­li­ca­tion is pre­pared by Russ­ian pro­pa­gan­dists who came to the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries of Ukraine from dif­fer­ent regions of Rus­sia.

The con­tent of the news­pa­per is an alter­na­tive­ly con­struct­ed real­i­ty. There is not a sin­gle word about Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, but there is a sys­tem­at­ic glo­ri­fi­ca­tion of Putin and every­thing relat­ed to Rus­sia. At the same time, every­thing relat­ed to Ukraine, the EU, or the US is vil­i­fied.

In addi­tion, the Russ­ian fed­er­al bud­get and Putin’s foun­da­tion – the Pres­i­den­tial Foun­da­tion for Cul­tur­al Ini­tia­tives – pro­vide grants to Russ­ian pro­pa­gan­dists. These grants are used to sup­port var­i­ous ini­tia­tives such as the print­ing of news­pa­pers like ‘Golos Novorossii’ or the cre­ation of the ‘Medi­atopol’ media school.

Accord­ing to the Insti­tute of Mass Infor­ma­tion (IMI), in 2023, Rus­sians expand­ed their pro­pa­gan­da efforts by incor­po­rat­ing for­eign­ers into their oper­a­tions with­in the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries. Notably, they invit­ed sev­en pro­pa­gan­dists and so-called experts from coun­tries such as India, Brazil, Mozam­bique, Spain, Ice­land, and the Nether­lands to serve as observers dur­ing the ille­git­i­mate elec­tions in the Kher­son region. Almost all of them called them­selves jour­nal­ists.

Propaganda for children

The Russ­ian occu­piers are also devel­op­ing media pro­pa­gan­da projects aimed at school and uni­ver­si­ty stu­dents. For exam­ple, they have cre­at­ed the ‘School of Young War Cor­re­spon­dents’. And in Luhan­sk, Rus­sians opened the so-called ‘House of Jour­nal­ists’, where they have even held a forum for Russ­ian pro­pa­gan­dists and are try­ing to attract young peo­ple to study there. In the Kher­son region, Andrei Tsitsi­nov, an employ­ee of the TASS pro­pa­gan­da out­let, held ‘jour­nal­ism lessons’ where he told local res­i­dents that the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries are ‘indige­nous­ly Russ­ian’.

For chil­dren and young peo­ple, Rus­sians are con­duct­ing a num­ber of mil­i­tari­sa­tion activ­i­ties and pro­mot­ing aggres­sive pro­pa­gan­da. Accord­ing to IMI, in occu­pied Luhan­sk, in a build­ing of the Luhan­sk Col­lege of Car Ser­vice, Rus­sians promise to open a branch of the ‘Mil­i­tary and Sports Train­ing Cen­tre, “War­rior”’. The ‘cen­tre’ will be staffed by ‘expe­ri­enced instruc­tors’, and the main audi­ence, accord­ing to the occu­piers, will be young peo­ple aged 14–35. They will be trained in eight mil­i­tary areas. The occu­piers do not spec­i­fy which areas. The occu­piers also bring teach­ers from Rus­sia to the Luhan­sk region to teach local chil­dren the ‘cor­rect’ cur­ricu­lum.

***

Accord­ing to the Insti­tute for the Study of War (ISW), Russ­ian author­i­ties are ini­ti­at­ing plans to estab­lish a media con­glom­er­ate named New Regions with­in the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries of the Zapor­izhzhia region, backed by the Russ­ian fed­er­al gov­ern­ment. This con­glom­er­ate is set to col­lab­o­rate with media projects across all occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries of Ukraine, rep­re­sent­ing just one facet of the exten­sive pro­pa­gan­da ini­tia­tives cur­rent­ly oper­a­tional in these areas.